Even worse, the radio managed to be funny. No one has returned to El Mozote. The overpowering fragrance of freshly cut pine announces the hamlet of La Tejera and its sawmill, a low building of unstripped logs surrounded by stacks of new planks. His Vice-Minister, Colonel Francisco Adolfo Castillo, added that the troops "must advance no matter what the cost until we reach the command post and Radio Venceremos. And, of course, the Americans loved him as well: At first, they loosened the earth with hoes, took it up in shovels, dumped it into plastic pails, and poured it onto a screen large enough to require several people to shake it back and forth.
Generally, the convention is to mount a motorcycle on the left,  and kickstands are usually on the left  which makes it more convenient to mount on the safer kerbside  as is the case in LHT. But El Mozote may well have been the largest massacre in modern Latin-American history. Some of them were in uniforms, but most of them wore raggedy clothes, like us. They saw soldiers pass by, and saw a helicopter hover and descend. Back in , a faction of "progressive" officers had staged a coup, but it had been quickly reversed by a conservative counter-coup; in , when Duarte's victory was stolen by conservative officers, the progressives attempted another, with the same result. These had to do not with military competence but with politics: Some of these men and women — most of them young, and casually dressed in T-shirts and jeans and work pants — began dumping out into the dust a glinting clutter of machetes, picks, and hoes. When the Air Force began bombing the city, ten days later, the guerrillas swiftly vanished, fading into the mountains and ravines they knew so well, and leaving behind the four dead men, buried in a bomb crater, and also the civilians who had been there all along — the civilians who, after playing host to the guerrillas for ten days, now gazed with all innocence into the faces of the National Guardsmen who had taken the places of their dead comrades. Soon the grade grows steeper, the tropical brush gives place to mountain pine, and the air lightens and grows fresh. The overpowering fragrance of freshly cut pine announces the hamlet of La Tejera and its sawmill, a low building of unstripped logs surrounded by stacks of new planks. Soon some villages were inhabited almost entirely by old people and mothers and their children. No one has returned to El Mozote. Nearby, in the long-depopulated villages, you can see stirrings of life: My children were crying. El Mozote seemed to epitomize those methods, and in Washington the story heralded what became perhaps the classic debate of the late Cold War: Finally, in October of , with at least tacit American support, a group of young "reformists" who called themselves the juventud militar — the "military youth" — overthrew General Romero and set in his place a "progressive" junta, which included politicians of the left. After the collapse, hundreds of fighters streamed out of the cities and headed for the mountains. This quickened the flow of able-bodied men and women into the mountains. The most visible signs of the "dirty war" were mutilated corpses that each morning littered the streets of El Salvador's cities. Colonel Monterrosa had thought long and hard about civilians and guerrilla war, about the necessity of counterinsurgency, about the frustrations of the odd and bloody conflict that the overextended Salvadoran Army had been fighting and losing. At first, they loosened the earth with hoes, took it up in shovels, dumped it into plastic pails, and poured it onto a screen large enough to require several people to shake it back and forth. Mobility and quickness had always been central to the guerrillas' strength, along with their familiarity with the mountain terrain. By early , when a peace agreement between the government and the guerrillas was finally signed, Americans had spent more than four billion dollars funding a civil war that had lasted twelve years and left seventy-five thousand Salvadorans dead. Tibia, left, I think In the polarized and brutal world of wartime El Salvador, the newspapers and radio stations simply ignored what Rufina had to say, as they habitually ignored unpalatable accounts of how the government was prosecuting the war against the leftist rebels.
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